[ Written in the summer of 1973 and made public in October (later republished in volume The centrism sui generis 2006 ), this text was prepared by Antonio Marazzi in the context of the polemic against the Italian management of the Italian section of the Fourth International at the time refused to engage in the liberation movement of women to the limits of naive we operate. The text bears the marks of time spent, but we are happy to present to our readers and to our readers on the occasion of this March 8, as an antidote to the rituals that now characterizes the anniversary and as a historical record of the first document in Italian that the "new" women's question was formulated in a revolutionary (Marxist libertarian). Staff Writer]
The strong wave of radicalization that hit the mid 60s many of the advanced capitalist societies, had as its not a secondary product of the renaissance "woman question." The oppression of women, that they did not hesitate to Marx and Engels described as the oldest form, prior to any other class oppression, ironically was the last on which there has been an outlet of consciousness on the part of women themselves who are the object directly involved. The same suffragette movement which was the first expression of political awareness of women's oppression at the mass level, that is not born to the early years of this century [twentieth century].
This is mainly due to the composite nature of this oppression, which contained not only economic but also psychological and cultural in general. On the other hand, women oppressed in their entirety (though sometimes with different nuances) as a 'weaker sex', are not even defined broadly in terms of class. They belong to 'other sex "to all existing classes and are therefore more or less oppressed and exploited to the extent that they are the classes to which they belong.
However, these basic forms of exploitation and oppression that they share with the rest of the oppressed masses, are all Append to oppression derives from their being women. Of this oppression is of course possible awareness of the extent that it is accompanied by other contradictions and difficult situations. For this reason, the women of the bourgeoisie may be aware of their condition, much more difficult for small-and middle-class workers. You need to keep constantly in mind these specificities in order to understand the phenomenon of radicalization of women in the most espressasi accomplished with the formation of women's liberation movements. These features are ultimately what makes an important and necessary to create a mass political movement that expresses the radicalization of women in terms of explicitly anti-capitalist.
The only awareness is not enough to overcome a leap of a way of living, thinking, in fact, a whole cultural tradition with deep roots in the millennia that have always (or almost) saw the woman in position 'naturally' subordinate, dependent. The same labor movement inspired by social democratic and Stalinist never went beyond the petitions of principle. All countries that have seen the creation of a socialist revolution have not seen an automatic release of women at all levels, from the economic to the sexual, from the ideological to the social. Male chauvinism, which is nothing if not an expression of bourgeois culture in the relations between the sexes, this tends to stay pretty even when in theory the equality of the sexes is officially sanctioned.
For these reasons, women workers and women have radicalized the historical need to manage their own fight 'autonomy', refusing even simplistic schemes endorsed by the traditional workers' movement, aimed at preaching the futility of such an active and militant autoconduzione women as part of a vision that sees women's liberation with the advent of automatic a socialist revolution. The problem, as shown by direct experience, is more complex and use of a self-promote not only the collective growth, but will highlight more deeply (to the extent that women are the same to do so) all the implications of ideological, economic and present political oppression of women.
On the other hand, the deep contradictions faced by women in advanced capitalist societies, in which their subordinate role and the employee is not expressed in forms such as direct pre-capitalist societies and farmers - but is mediated and obscured by the "new position which is assigned to them in employment, by false emancipation (which still continue to be concerned, not an active player) - can not promote a deep radicalization.
It is expressed not only with a direct awareness of their oppression, but also with the determination of the extent of the objectively revolutionary their needs, and these in fact not only invest in the economic field, but tend to undermine the very structures of the system, to the extent that the movement is able to identify the conditions of oppression in the family, into authoritarianism, the ideology of femininity, existence of relations of exploitation, in the myth of competition, etc..
all necessary and immediate consequence of this maturation process is the creation of an autonomous women's movement to organize the mass of women radicalized, analyze the causes of their oppression, to lead the fight on generalized goals and investing all movement, and they do increase in anti-capitalist sense.
If it can be difficult to cause a large mature female more general policy issues (difficulties which finds its root cause in the will of bourgeois power to relegate women to the ghetto and the depoliticization of indifference, as a high major inhibiting factor for the political maturation of the masses) the main spring will instead be aware of the oppression that women are subject, not only as workers or petty bourgeois or lumpen dissatisfied, but as women, that is, as individuals second class, relegated to subordinate roles essential to the balance system. On this basis only 'female', vesting will grow and invest in different social strata, will then be the task of the movement to increase the level of political awareness, identify the root causes of oppression in the system, coordinate the fight alongside the workers, radicalized students, oppressed minorities and so on. In this sense, the main task of revolutionaries is to build a mass political movement women radicalized , which fits in the broader anti-capitalist front and put in a perspective of revolutionary overthrow of bourgeois power.
A common element all organizations for the liberation of women in the different countries (USA, England, Holland, France, Italy etc..) is the type of social composition of the movement that sees a high proportion of petty-bourgeois strata (intellectuals, professionals, teachers, students, etc..) which is matched by a lower participation of women workers. This is a factor to keep constantly in mind.
On the one hand, it expresses all the objective difficulties that inhibit the maturation of this problem especially those who are most oppressed, on the other hand, reveals an inherent limitation of women's liberation movement as a whole, which, if exceeded at We believe it is necessary and inevitable for its overall growth of the real revolutionary. Women workers in fact, precisely because of their role as workers, who see them included in the production process, are potentially the most explosive area of \u200b\u200bthe whole movement. Their female oppression is added to the exploitation in the factory, exacerbated by the inferior position which continues to be present in the work itself.
women [workers] are underpaid, work also relegated to second class (this is a common element in the labor in general) do not have salaries equivalent to those of the workers, their presence in productive sectors has always been considered temporary (the real woman's place is the family he is the guardian angel) and secondary education.
Marx and Engels had rightly stressed the great importance it had for the emancipation, the entry of women into the labor that would not only help the family out of the ghetto, the contact with the external social reality and therefore an awareness of these problems and social conflicts, but also exacerbated the difficulties and the most contraddizoni inherent in their role as oppressed eternal "now not only families, but explicitly in the entire society. In this sense, the role of women workers in the process of radicalization is essential. No coincidence that Trotsky wrote in the Transitional Program:
"All the relevant organizations by their very nature focus their attention mainly on the upper layers of the working class, and then ignore both young working women. During his declining capitalism unleashes the hardest blows to women as workers and as housewives. The sections of the Fourth International must seek the support of the most oppressed layers of the working class and then working women. "
The movement has to find The unifying moment for women of the working class and radicalized the other layers: the presence of women workers must be massive in the women's liberation movement. The tasks of this movement will be first ones to step up the unionization and political maturation of working women (in Italy, for example, levels of unionization are very low and the unions themselves do nothing to remedy this situation which encourages further use, from the bosses, women as a total loss reserves to use even against the same claims of the working class as a whole).
The mobilization will focus first place on equal pay for equal work (assuming, of course, the existence of free professional courses, open to working women and included in working hours), highlighting the downgrading women present at all levels and fighting for its elimination, taking into account the relationship between the two claims.
The task of unifying goals generalizing about all women radicalized, be they workers, professionals and housewives, will be facilitated by the common type of oppression they suffer in the family, from the point of view of the limitation of individual freedom at all levels, from the use of his body, that implicit in their role as wife, mother working full time at the disposal of the family, forced to work repetitive and alienating non-paid and it must necessarily regardless of the status of a "home" or home-worker.
free and free abortion, contraceptives distributed free by the state, free propaganda for birth control, child care and self-managed free and other goals will be discovering that the movement in its struggle, may be unifying slogans, which contribute not only to a first parziale liberazione, ma a una maturazione complessiva che riesca a individuare il nemico da abbattere, la necessità di portare avanti lo scontro di classe al fianco delle altre componenti del fronte anticapitalistico per l’attuazione della rivoluzione socialista, unico valido presupposto per la realizzazione di una vera completa liberazione della donna.
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