The majority of the CGIL, CISL and UIL and the agreement separate
After the agreement with Fiat's Mirafiori and Pomigliano, for those workers who have sanctioned the end of the national collective agreement (national collective agreement) and the Statute workers, the political strategy of Confindustria and the government proceeds unabated in the extension of content Agreement to the rest of the world of work. In fact, the same fate - to suffer, that is, an agreement halter style Fiat - has befallen the public employees and workers in these days of commerce. It is clear that after three separate labor agreement, CISL and UIL show where more and more complicit in the political project fielded by Confindustria, the political strategy adopted at the National Congress of the CGIL trade union unity to regain with CISL and UIL bases and rules that are not defined by CISL, UIL, government and Confindustria, has been finally passed.
The very late and inadequate response of the recently proclaimed by the CGIL Camusso, and against the logic of separate agreements has called a general strike of four national hours will be held on May 6, is the objective evidence of the precise political will to address the workers' protest only against the government. While it is easily deduced that the companies will not suffer any discomfort from a strike that will not be able to paralyze the country as it should be done. The purpose of the strike as has already happened in other occasions, aims to convince the Confederation of the need to build a table of comparison with the CGIL for the construction of the "pact for development" that the intention of Camusso must used to reactivate a model whereby the concertation Cgil to moderate the sacrifices of workers without this could be an obstacle to the competitiveness of Italian companies in the global market.
After the agreement with Fiat's Mirafiori and Pomigliano, for those workers who have sanctioned the end of the national collective agreement (national collective agreement) and the Statute workers, the political strategy of Confindustria and the government proceeds unabated in the extension of content Agreement to the rest of the world of work. In fact, the same fate - to suffer, that is, an agreement halter style Fiat - has befallen the public employees and workers in these days of commerce. It is clear that after three separate labor agreement, CISL and UIL show where more and more complicit in the political project fielded by Confindustria, the political strategy adopted at the National Congress of the CGIL trade union unity to regain with CISL and UIL bases and rules that are not defined by CISL, UIL, government and Confindustria, has been finally passed.
The error of policy analysis by the majority on the agreement of the CGIL separate that CISL and UIL have signed with the government and Confindustria on the rules of trading in January 2009 was to believe that that agreement - which followed the logic of concerted worse in July '93 by setting the IPCA [Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices for the countries of the Union] on the calculation of wages and the system of exemptions on the legislation - was only a parenthesis easily recoverable and not a precise political plan, functional to the bosses to destroy workers' rights and to overcome the crisis economy.
was obvious that neither the government and Confindustria, nor CISL and UIL, were willing to mediate with the CGIL the sacrifices that the Italian employers expect workers. Simply, the old trade union consultation in the 90s and the early years of this decade, the employer is almost buried. For this to the bargaining table against the CGIL, which was willing to give up part of its policy not to stay out of labor agreements (as demonstrated for Fiat and the negotiation of Commerce), CISL and UIL have submitted the bill : o CGIL signing everything already established in the guidelines of the reform and recognizes the contractual agreements with Fiat, or absent from the negotiating table.
for shelter from economic crisis - which is obviously not only affects workers, but also begins to undermine the stability of the union bureaucracies - CISL and UIL have consciously chosen a clear path to follow, which leads straight to the transformation of the union contract, to review corporate services. This transformation, in the logic of bilateral bodies (joint structures formed by trade unionists and representatives of the owners), makes the union certification of a legislative choices made by governments of the bourgeoisie finally burying bargaining and union democracy. This objective, to bring a dowry to the capital by the end of the union bargaining and conflict, CISL and UIL have traded with the government in exchange for a permanent presence of their bureaucracy within the structures of institutions in the bilateral and regional government agencies which, through management training, CISL and UIL manage significant financial resources that ensure the survival of the privileges of their parasitic bureaucracies.
The political blindness of the majority leader of the CGIL, which still continues to pursue the villain in a "pact for development" with Confindustria, trying to hang up the new course of the meeting allowed the Government and employers to achieve important results that have led to undisturbed - by adopting measures such as work-related, the reform of contractual agreements Mirafiori and Pomigliano - a frightening shift the balance of power between the classes in favor of the enterprise system by downloading the costs of the economic crisis on workers.
Triangle CGIL-Pd-Government
Cgil Susanna Camusso, continues to pretend that there is a direct relationship in terms of goals, including the Berlusconi government and Confindustria Emma Marcegaglia. This political attitude is due to the structural relationship that almost the bureaucratic apparatus of the CGIL union continues to have with the Democratic Party or the other political parties that they represented the interests of the Italian bourgeoisie. In fact, as we see and observe, the political controversy of the CGIL is directed almost exclusively towards the choices made by the Government in matters of employment as if these choices, which clearly represent the interests of the Confederation, are carried out by the government against the wishes of the Confederation itself. On this side are explanatory statements of the Secretary of Pd Bersani which asserts that the Berlusconi government can not be done on the work of the reforms required by the country.
What are the "reforms" that the Democratic Party really wants to achieve, it has exhaustively explained his management team when playing on the rigged referendum of Mirafiori, almost unanimously, it was out in favor of the plan developed by Fiat Marchionne. Previously, however, had drawn up a bill that still lies in Parliament signed by leaders of the caliber of Nerozzi and Ichino, where the Democratic Party openly declares its readiness to discuss with government and Confindustria, the complete disintegration of the Workers' Statute that will replaced by the Statute of the work fully supports the proposal to abolish Sacconi definitely art. 18.
The very late and inadequate response of the recently proclaimed by the CGIL Camusso, and against the logic of separate agreements has called a general strike of four national hours will be held on May 6, is the objective evidence of the precise political will to address the workers' protest only against the government. While it is easily deduced that the companies will not suffer any discomfort from a strike that will not be able to paralyze the country as it should be done. The purpose of the strike as has already happened in other occasions, aims to convince the Confederation of the need to build a table of comparison with the CGIL for the construction of the "pact for development" that the intention of Camusso must used to reactivate a model whereby the concertation Cgil to moderate the sacrifices of workers without this could be an obstacle to the competitiveness of Italian companies in the global market. Liabilities "La CGIL we want"
Given this framework, the policy of the minority of the CGIL union organized in the programmatic area known as "The CGIL we want," is a weak response to the spigot comes to the congress in Rimini by the majority group of the CGIL, which is going to slowly turn into a union as corporate CISL and UIL. Moreover, it is no mystery to that no worker of some important pieces of work rooms or entire categories of the CGIL, also want to become a service union - also to protect the interests of the bureaucratic threatened by the crisis - and follow this road, CISL and UIL.
Faced with this prospect - which I believe you can make to the bottom only when the government will determine a new policy framework of the center - the "CGIL we want" so far failed to take any concrete steps to curb this process. In fact, the political action of the direct programmatic Rinaldini from inside and outside the CGIL, is virtually nonexistent. Despite the strong presence of leadership groups that refer to the "CGIL we want" in major categories - Such as the Civil Service and the Fisac \u200b\u200b(banking and insurance) - the political initiative did not go further on the support through press releases in the battle against the trade union to defend the conduct of the Fiom national collective agreement and the Statute of Workers. Indeed, some contract renewals, the leaders of the "CGIL we want," the Fisac \u200b\u200bsigned with the majority group in their highly contested category, the agreement that led to a worsening Unicredit legal wage for all workers and new hires.
Filcams In contrast, where the presence of organized workers and managers is less than that of the other two categories mentioned above, in programmatic "CGIL we want" that expresses some national leaders and middle class, has produced a rupture between the political leadership and the base of workers due to the choice made by managers to manage a unified policy of the category with majority. This behavior is clearly contradictory to isolate clearly helped in the battle of the Fiom CGIL. The political limits of the programmatic continue to be the same limitations that have characterized other negative experiences of the left trade union over the past years have been determined CGIL.
The continuous interplay between elites and the frantic search denote a union of offices that address problems exclusively within the scope of bureaucratic logic and interlocking. Moreover, much of the leadership of the "CGIL we want," continues against any possibility of political convergence with the grassroots unions thus precluding a real possibility of enlargement of the front antipadronale that would give active support and practical unification of the struggles workers. The slow but inexorable drift toward political positions of the CGIL filopadronale full cooperation - with the idea of \u200b\u200bthe end of the union claims, which is about to be metabolized by the vast majority of the management group, showing more and more clear to accept the model of Italian capitalism requires that the union - is a further demonstration of the union dell'impalpabilità the leadership of the "CGIL we want."
all-out strike against the logic of the strikes failed purely demonstrative
also conduct the same battle that the majority of the CGIL proclaim a general strike for the entire day and not waiting the month of May, it is not backed by an understanding of how you should lead the industrial action and general strikes in a particular way. Continued accept, in fact, the logic of strikes for information purposes only (and this applies both to the CGIL, for both the grassroots unions), refusing to commit to the calling of strikes with a vengeance (general strike) that ends only with the achievement of target or an acceptable compromise. Better to strike indefinitely for a minimum as concrete, but it lasts until the goal is reached (thus giving strength and courage to continue to employees and the union to grow), that these high-sounding proclamations, with or without spectacular rallies, culminating without achieving any concrete results.
This demonstration of political strikes, union leaders (and the grassroots unions) get media exposure for themselves and maybe a bit giving new 'Shine apparatus, but at the same time help to demolish the mood of the strikers ( returning home with no tangible results) and also to empty your pockets (deductions from wages) of those layers that participate in cutting-edge all strikes, paying the high prices (but also decreasing in number as they continue this policy spectacular demonstration but inconclusive).
in recent years have not missed some general strikes called by the CGIL (not counting all strikes supposedly "general" unions called the base). Unfortunately, there was one that he managed to snatch some concrete results for the workers, pay on the ground, both in the government to withdraw the labor laws. This is because the way in which the strikes were called was and continues to be deeply flawed. Of strikes if they could have done less in terms of hours lost, but the results were certainly different if only they had mobilized workers on specific goals considered essential (obviously providing spaces for mediation in the negotiations), preparing and calling for a mobilization to the bitter end to bring an end only when the goal was reached.
This methodology is not a figment of our imagination but it is embodied by almost two centuries of history of trade unionism in Italy and around the world, but in Italy no longer works since the mid-'70s onward, that is to say, the years when we began to form under the current leader of the CGIL.
Caste or bureaucratic self-organization from below?
remain convinced, moreover, that the structures of the labor movement should learn how to best represent the bourgeoisie class interests. In fact, while the bourgeoisie as a class can unite in attacking the rights and wages of workers, and stubbornly pursues its goals and without delay (even putting aside internal differences, as seen with the Mirafiori Marchionne), the ruling caste of labor movement can not organize a political resistance against the employers of social bloc and its governments. You can not build a shred of common action between or among the trade unions nor the movements in these years have opposed the counter-capitalist labor market, school, and against privatization of strategic sectors of the economy more or less .
The lack of wins, albeit partial, albeit minimal means that the movement of workers - on which there are the defeats suffered continuously for decades at national and international - can not get rid of excessive power by the bureaucracy to start a process of self-organization from the bottom of the fights. Faced with inflammation of social mobilization in parts of Europe and the Middle East, the class struggle in Italy appears to be one of the most underdeveloped in spite of the high rate of unionization, the number of hours of strike, and against a main attack violent. The experience of the center-left governments, far from fostering a growing organization class, has sown demoralization and shredded. , A factor which must be kept in mind since the same leaders of past failures continue to propose the return to government collaboration with the bourgeoisie (whatever the part you will provide these governments).
With this prevailing attitude in the CGIL (and compared to immobility in which it has its main current of opposition, "we want CGIL) if the class struggle had flared up in Italy in the coming years given the worsening of material conditions and the economic downturn, there is no doubt that the most combative sectors of the working class will tend to break with the bureaucracy, to adopt new forms of struggle. The result of bureaucratic trade unions (CGIL included) towards the transformation in corporate management equipment and services, ready to respond passively to the demands of capitalism and its crisis, will not leave an alternative to workers who build self-organized structures, in which the union must decide if you do not want to rely disappear. Must therefore strive to make these structures at birth have a council and anti-bureaucratic character. This is the unions that want to ...
Andrea Furlan
Executive Filcams CGIL - Centre of Rome "La CGIL we want"
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